Racismo, autoritarismo e Guerra às Drogas

Portas da Percepção

hempadao 29 março, 2018

por Luiz Brandão

A primeira metade do século 19 foi profundamente marcada pela elaboração e aplicação das políticas públicas conhecidas como “higienistas”. Tanto na Europa como nos principais centros urbanos do mundo colonizado eram abertas grandes avenidas, cortiços eram removidos e seus moradores expulsos, empurrados para as periferias. No Brasil não foi diferente. Naturalmente, a aplicação destas políticas coincidir com o intenso fluxo migratório, sobretudo de ingleses e franceses, para o Rio de Janeiro não deve causar nenhuma surpresa. A ideia era moldar a capital do Império à imagem das grandes cidades europeias, não só na organização material do espaço urbano, mas também nas maneiras e costumes.

Um dos marcos mais característicos deste processo pode ser encontrado na publicação, em 1830, do Código de Posturas, cujo objetivo garantir através de uma série de normas e proibições, que o comportamento dos transeuntes se adequasse a um modo de viver “civilizado”. Entre as várias recomendações, o código versava sobre a limpeza das ruas, a regulação de estabelecimentos comerciais, os modos de se vestir e comportar em locais públicos (AVELAR, 2014: 24).

A publicação do Código de Posturas de 1830 reserva ao Rio de Janeiro a distinção histórica de ter sido a primeira cidade do mundo a editar uma lei contra o uso da maconha – conhecida popularmente na época como “pito do pango” –, que era associada a capoeiristas, “escravos e mais pessoas” indesejadas ao convívio urbano e que amedrontavam a elite escravocrata imperial (RODRIGUES, 2014: 39-40).

No intervalo entre os anos de 1811 e 1830, ocorreu nos portos brasileiros o maior desembarque de escravizados ao longo dos mais de três séculos de tráfico humano no atlântico: dos quase 800 mil, grande parte desceu no Rio de Janeiro. A proclamação da Independência (1822) ocorreu em meio a esse aumento significativo da chegada de africanos escravizados, que apoiaram o movimento de “libertação” de Portugal acreditando que sua própria libertação poderia entrar também nas negociações. Suas aspirações foram rapidamente frustradas: a proibição da embriaguez e o “pito do pango” foram expedientes usados para aprisionar escravos que circulavam nas ruas por essa época (AVELAR, 2014: 24) assim como a criação da Lei da Vadiagem, por ocasião da abolição da escravatura, que incidiu majoritariamente sobre a população negra.

Nas décadas de 1820, 1830 e 1840, é possível observar um rápido aumento do número de registros de prisão por embriagues de pessoas escravizadas. Em 1854 um novo Código de Posturas aumentou a pena para “escravos e mais pessoas” que usassem o pito do pango de três para oito dias, pena que é mantida pelo código de 1894 (AVELAR, 2014: 24).

Nos Estados Unidos, a partir dos anos 1910, o foco do discurso começa a se concentrar nos “perigos” da droga, principalmente do ópio e seus derivados. A guinada em direção ao discurso médico, no entanto, não é capaz de provocar a dissociação em relação aos discursos alarmistas de viés racista e xenofóbico à maneira dos observados no Brasil escravista. As drogas eram, também no contexto norteamericano, relacionadas a grupos étnicos específicos:

[…] negros seriam consumidores de cocaína, indígenas do cacto peyote, chineses de ópio, hispânicos de maconha, italianos e irlandeses de álcool. […] a “guerra” estava lançada, baseada em critérios morais e de defesa da saúde pública. Não era, portanto, uma cruzada contra substancias inanimadas – as drogas – mas contra as pessoas que as produziam e consumiam (RODRIGUES, 2014: 39).

A partir da década de 1920, a reprovação moral ao uso de substâncias psicoativas passa a identificar seu uso com certos grupos sociais vistos como “ameaçadores”. Foi assim que as ligas puritanas absenteístas conseguiram mobilizar uma ampla rede de apoio direcionada à perseguição de minorias e imigrantes associados a comportamentos “moralmente reprováveis” e que representariam uma ameaça aos valores clássicos da América branca e puritana (RODRIGUES apud CARVALHO, 2011: 5).

A declaração de Harry J. Anslinger, chefe do Federal Bureau of Narcotics nos anos 1930, exemplifica de forma quase caricatural o caráter racista, xenófobo e alarmista do proibicionismo norteamericano:

[…] a maconha é a maior causa de violência na história da humanidade. A maioria dos fumantes são negros, hispânicos, filipinos e vagabundos. Sua música satânica, o jazz e o swing, é resultado do uso da maconha. Esta maconha que faz com que mulheres brancas queiram ter relações sexuais com negros (ANSLINGER, 1937).

É interessante notar que embora Anslinger comece associando o uso da droga à violência, ele logo passa a outro conjunto de associações extremamente significativas: droga-raça e droga-sexualidade.

Alguns anos mais tarde, Antonio Gramsci escreve sobre o crescente movimento proibicionista norteamericano, identificando seu indissociável puritanismo como uma estratégia política do industrialismo americano para exercer um controle cada vez maior sobre a vida privada da mão-de-obra. Gramsci percebe que o controle sobre o consumo de álcool e o controle da vida sexual dos operários simultaneamente passam a assumir uma importância cada vez maior na nova disciplina fabril:

Deve-se destacar o relevo com que os industriais (principalmente Ford) se interessaram pelas relações sexuais dos seus dependentes e pela acomodação de suas famílias; a aparência de ‘puritanismo’ assumida por este interesse (como no caso do proibicionismo) não deve levar a avaliações erradas; a verdade é que não é possível desenvolver o novo tipo de homem solicitado pela racionalização da produção e do trabalho, enquanto o instinto sexual não for absolutamente regulamentado, não for também ele racionalizado […] regulamentação e a estabilidade das relações sexuais estão indissociavelmente ligados a um determinado modo de viver, de pensar e de sentir a vida; não é possível obter êxito num campo sem obter resultados tangíveis no outro. Na América, a racionalização do trabalho e o proibicionismo estão indubitavelmente ligados; os inquéritos dos industriais sobre a vida íntima dos operários, os serviços de inspeção criados por algumas empresas para controlar a ‘moralidade’ dos operários são necessidades do novo método de trabalho (GRAMSCI, 1976: 392-396).

Com a invenção do LSD em 1943 e o início da guerra do Vietnã em 1954, os anos 1960 foram para os EUA um período de contestação ao status quo, em que ganharam força os movimentos que ficaram conhecidos como “contraculturais”, em especial o movimento hippie. Assim, o recurso à alteração de consciência por meio de alucinógenos e drogas em geral ganha um número crescente de adeptos.

Os integrantes da contra-cultura viam as drogas, sobretudo as psicodélicas, como instrumentos potencializadores – ou “combustíveis” – da transformação da natureza humana, possíveis aportes para o exercício da liberdade e da expansão do conhecimento interior, componentes supostamente fundamentais para a transformação radical da sociedade (DELMANTO, 2014: 33).

Assim, a popularização das drogas psicodélicas nos Estados Unidos ocorre num momento político particularmente tenso e fortemente marcado pela perseguição política. A declaração do então presidente Richard Nixon, em 1972, de “uma guerra total contra o inimigo número um dos Estados Unidos: as drogas perigosas” (NIXON, 1972), marca o início da reação conservadora em defesa da “América tradicional”, “interessada em frear as experiências livres de jovens hippies, pacifistas, libertários, feministas, ativistas gays e negros que sacudiam os Estados Unidos nos anos 1960” (RODRIGUES, 2014: 38).

Não se tratava, pois, apenas de uma estratégia de repressão ao uso de drogas como a maconha e o LSD ou da supressão dos movimentos associados à contracultura. O objetivo central da política de Guerra às Drogas dos anos 1970 foi a defesa dos “valores tradicionais americanos, centrados em crenças religiosas puritanas, consumismo, individualismo e militarismo” (RODRIGUES, idem).

No Brasil, os agentes da repressão durante a Ditadura Militar entendiam que com o extermínio e consequente desmantelamento da resistência armada na guerrilha do Araguaia, a esquerda – supostamente cooptada pelo Movimento Comunista Internacional – teria passado a se dedicar a uma nova estratégia subversiva: corromper as bases morais da sociedade brasileira neoliberal através da propagação da homossexualidade, da promiscuidade e do uso de “entorpecentes”.

Deve assim ficar claro que a Ditadura Militar não foi o primeiro exemplo da aplicação da política de perseguição aos usuários de drogas do Brasil, como muitas vezes ainda se defende. No entanto, o golpe de 1964 pode ser considerado como uma espécie de divisor de águas na medida em que passa a associar o uso de drogas aos movimentos de ‘subversão’ política. Esta associação marca a transição de um modelo sanitário para o bélico característico da Guerra ás Drogas estadunidense e vigente ainda hoje (CARVALHO, 2011: 15).

Em 1964, a Lei no 4.483 cria o Serviço de Repressão a Tóxicos e Entorpecentes e reorganiza os departamentos de Polícia Federal de modo a expandir e radicalizar o controle e a vigilância policial sobre o cotidiano (SAMWAYS, 2014), configurando cada vez mais nitidamente os contornos de um Estado policial cujas permanências podem ser largamente identificadas no tom da atual política sobre drogas tanto no Brasil como no âmbito dos acordos de segurança internacional promovidos pela Organização das Nações Unidas desde 1961 (RODRIGUES, 2012: 33).

A Lei de Segurança Nacional confirmava e intensificava a adoção de um discurso bélico para o combate ao tráfico de drogas, o que acabou se desenvolvendo em uma progressiva “militarização da política criminal de drogas e fez surgir o estereótipo do traficante como inimigo interno” (JESUS, 2014: 41).

Ocorre no final dos anos 1970, no entanto, uma inflexão interessante: a incorporação, pela lei, da teoria da diferenciação entre traficante e usuário. Um dos principais motivos para a mudança teria sido a massificação do uso de drogas à despeito da proibição e o consequente aumento do número de filhos de militares sendo presos por tráfico (D’ELIA FILHO, 2007: 125).

A partir dessa diferenciação, estabeleceram-se os modelos do traficante-negro-favelado-criminoso e o usuário-branco-burguês-dependente químico. Quando, no período entre 1968 e 1976, a legislação equiparava expressamente traficante e usuário, ambos eram punidos pelo mesmo crime. Com a diferenciação estabelecida a partir de 1976, será dispensado ao primeiro, ao traficante, o tratamento policial, da violência de Estado, da repressão e o encarceramento. Já ao segundo, o usuário, o dependente químico, será dado um tratamento, um acompanhamento médico, um trabalho terapêutico.

A norma segundo a qual era estabelecido o desvio do vício é então cindida em duas: uma norma moral e uma norma fisiológica. O viciado não é um degenerado nem tampouco um criminoso. O viciado é um doente. O dependente químico é subtraído ao ordenamento ético-legal que condena o traficante. A distinção, no entanto, opera apenas no âmbito da formalidade jurídica. Na prática, ela opera seguindo critérios de raça e classe:

As construções que se fazem realmente definem pessoas pobres como traficantes e as que estão em posição econômica melhor, como usuários. Hoje, um menino na favela que é pego com R$ 600 no bolso, por ter acabado de receber o salário, e que passou na boca de fumo e comprou cinco trouxinhas de maconha, é preso como traficante. Essa construção que vai se fazendo é apartadora, injusta e vai gerando no ambiente social a construção da delinquência. O tratamento é totalmente distinto (D’ELIA FILHO In: TAVARES, 2013).

A coincidência da proibição do “pito do pango” na cidade do Rio de Janeiro na época do maior fluxo de africanos escravizados para a capital do Império pode ser vista como um dos mais flagrantes exemplos históricos desta construção da criminalidade em termos racistas a partir do momento em que se faz necessária a operacionalização de um mecanismo de poder que se dedica a proteger uma certa parcela da população (o branco, o burguês, o boyzinho) em detrimento de outras (o negro, o pobre, o marginal).

Do mesmo modo, a identificação do “traficante” ao “subversivo” feita pela ditadura possibilitou a articulação dos mecanismos de poder construídos pela psiquiatria europeia em torno da anormalidade, da desordem, da degeneração, com um critério racial.

A construção do estereótipo do “inimigo interno” foi essencial à identificação do negro como criminoso e do traficante como criminoso por excelência. Assim,

A guerra contra as drogas pôde garantir a permanência do aparato repressivo, aprofundando seu caráter autoritário e assegurando investimentos crescentes para o controle social e a segurança pública. Não foi só a infraestrutura que se manteve após o regime militar: o novo inimigo propiciou também a renovação dos argumentos exterminadores, o aumento explosivo das execuções policiais e a naturalização da tortura. Tudo é normal se o alvo é o traficante nas favelas. Temos hoje no Rio de Janeiro um projeto de ocupação militar nas áreas de pobreza em nome dessa guerra (BATISTA & LOPES, 2014: 194).

É por isso que a Guerra às Drogas, com todas as mortes, corrupção, tortura, que dela decorrem, é um dispositivo que ironicamente mobiliza uma série de instituições, discursos, pesquisas científicas e políticas públicas alinhados e inseridos no âmbito da “segurança pública”. Quem é o “público” cuja segurança este dispositivo visa garantir? Certamente não o público negro, pobre e periférico.

Mas quando reduzimos a análise ao extermínio deste público que queda vítima do dispositivo da Guerra às Drogas, esquecemos de apontar para este outro público, cuja segurança o Estado visa garantir por meio da guerra mesma. Dizer que o proibicionismo sustenta-se com base em “ficção” e “desconhecimento” é não atentar para as instâncias que permitem a produção, legitimação e propagação destes saberes que estigmatizam essas populações. É em nome de um ideal positivo de cientificidade que se formulam as regulações jurídicas, os conhecimentos médicos, as políticas públicas que, em última análise, escondem sob o nome de Guerra às Drogas uma política de extermínio.

Para além de observar o escandaloso fracasso da política de “guerra às drogas” em relação àquilo a que ela formalmente se propõe, a saber, a supressão do comércio de substâncias psicotrópicas consideradas ilícitas, é preciso perceber que é justamente a continuidade deste fracasso que atesta a real função do dispositivo: o controle social das classes perigosas.

REFERÊNCIAS

ANSLINGER, Harry J. Additional statement of H. J. Anslinger, Commissioner of Narcotics. Transcription o Congressional Hearings. The Marihuana Tax Act, 1937. Disponível em: http://www.druglibrary.org/schaffer/hemp/taxact/t10a.htm (acessado em: 28/03/2018).

AVELAR, Lucas. Uso se branco, abuso se preto. Revista de História da Biblioteca Nacional. Ano 10, no 110, novembro 2014.

BATISTA, Vera Malaguti. Atendendo na guerra. In: BATISTA, Vera Malaguti; LOPES, Lucília Elias (Orgs.) Atendendo na guerra: dilemas médicos e jurídicos sobre o crack. Rio de Janeiro: Revan, 2014.

CARVALHO, Jonatas C. de. A produção de leis e normas sobre drogas no Brasil: a governamentalidade da criminalização. Anais do XXVI Simpósio Nacional de Hitória – NPUH. São Paulo, 2011.

D’ELIA FILHO, Orlando Zaccone. Acionistas do nada: quem são os traficantes de drogas. Rio de Janeiro: Reavan, 2007.

DELMANTO, Júlio. Manifestar a mente. Revista de História da Biblioteca Nacional. Ano 10, nº 110, novembro 2014.

FOUCAULT, Michel. Os Anormais. Martins fontes: São Paulo, 2001.

GRAMSCI, Antonio. Maquiavel, a política e o Estado moderno. Civilização Brasileira: Rio de Janeiro, 1976.

NIXON, Richard. 94 – Remarks during a visit to New York City to review drug abuse Law Enforcement Activities. 20 de março, 1972. Disponível em: http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/?pid=3779 (acessado em: 05/12/2017).

RODRIGUES, Thiago. Quem é o Inimigo? Revista de História da Biblioteca Nacional. Ano 10, nº 110, novembro 2014.

RODRIGUES, Thiago apud CARVALHO, Jonatas C. de. Uma história política da criminalização das drogas no Brasil: a construção de uma política nacional. VI Semana de História e III Seminário Nacional de História: Política, cultura e sociedade. Programa de Pós-graduação em História/UERJ, 2011.

RODRIGUES, Thiago. Narcotráfico e militarização nas Américas: vício de guerra. Contexto Internacional (PUC), vol. 34, no 1. Rio de Janeiro, 2012.

SAMWAYS, Daniel Trevisan. Inimigos imaginários, sentimentos reais: medo e paranoia no discurso anticomunista do Serviço Nacional de Informações (1970-1973). Universidade Federal do Paraná (tese de doutorado). Curitiba, 2014.

TAVARES, Viviane. Entrevista com D’ELIA FILHO, Orlando Zaccone. Drogas: uma guerra Injusta produzida pelo Estado brasileiro. Entrevista publicada em “Brasil de Fato”, 08 de maio de 2013. Disponível em: https://www.brasildefato.com.br/node/12844/ (acessado em 20/03/2018)



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